The five-part miniseries continues.
First a recap...
In 1881, members of the People's Will finally succeed in assassinating Alexander II. Russia was still a largely agrarian society with little or no heavy industry. Opposition to the Tsar was building, particularly among the liberal Intelligentsia, but hadn't really made any inroads yet.
Alexander III: A Return to Autocracy
When Alexander's son, Alexander III, came to the throne, he (perhaps not surprisingly) rejected his father's reforms and restated the principles of autocracy. Under his rule:
1. A Criminal Code was introduced along with other repressive measures to combat the growing threat of terrorism, such as the ‘Temporary Regulations’ (1881), which allowed for arbitrary arrest if public order threatened. He also extended the secret police (Okhrana) and formed ‘Land Commandants’, conservative landowners who were given arbitrary powers over serfs similar to those that they had enjoyed under the pre-1861 system.
2. Alexander also embarked on a policy of Russification, including attacks on minorities and religious persecution (particularly of Jews & Non Orthodox Christians).
3. Limited were placed on the power of Zemstva, with nobles and landlords having their position strengthened. There was also a tightening of press censorship.
4. Universities were brought back under Government control (1884) while schools were brought back under the control of the Orthodox Church. Student bodies were also made illegal.
5. Alexander also increased spending on the military and engaged in a policy of increased militarism (ostensibly lending his support to other autocratic rulers in the region)
How Did Russia Industrialise?
In 1881 Russia had little or no heavy industry to speak of, but by 1904 it had become the fourth largest economy in the world having undergone an 8% growth in the preceding decade. This was largely down to the influence of the Finance Ministers:
Ivan Vyshnedgransky (1887-92) sought to bring about financial stability within the country by maximizing state revenue and building up the gold reserve. This income, however, came from existing sources (e.g. tax arrears from peasants, indirect tax on state-owned railways, forests etc) not new ones. He also increased import tariffs to protect internal industries and secured investment loans (particularly from France).
Sergei Witte (1882-1903) believed that modernisation was the only way that Russia could preserve its Great Power status and curb potential unrest. He continued his predecessor's policies, including protective tariffs, heavy taxation, forced exports, as well as investing heavily in heavy industry, mining, oil and particularly railways. He also succeeded in attracting foreign investment (by tying a new roube to the Gold Standard) and expertise to advise on planning.
Their policies were a success, bringing about huge industrial growth:
1. Vyshnegradsky produced a surplus in balance of payments, state revenue increased, and exports of grain increased.
2. Witte kickstarted an industrial revolution in Russia. In particular the acceleration of railway building (particularly the Trans-Siberian Express) allowed the transport of raw materials, helped oil production, linked industrial centres, and linked agricultural areas with markets. The railway itself also stimulated the iron and coal industries as well as providing revenue for the transportation of freight and passengers.
But, this came at a price:
1. This growth was achieved at cost of the peasants (through indirect taxation, requisition of grain for export, no food) and the urban workers (who were poorly paid and worked in poor conditions'. Vyshnegradsky is often quoted as saying ‘We ourselves shall not eat, but we shall export’. The chaos wrought by the 1891 famine led to his dismissal the following year.
2. It was also achieved at a great financial cost. The state budget under Witte increased heavily and the Russian economy became dependent on foreign loans, spending much of her revenue on repayments. When foreign investors began to withdraw funds, the result was increasingly scarce capital, the closure of factories and, consequently, political agitation.
3. Industrialisation also led to the emergence of both a middle class, from whom revolutionary leaders would later emerge, and an increasingly discontented urban poor who would provide their followers.
The Problems of the Rural Economy
The impact on the rural economy was particularly strongly felt, with it being effectively sidelined (if not sacrificed) in the pursuit of industrial modernisation. The situation of the peasants got worse during this period, with a growing gap between richer and poorer peasants, and Russia having the highest mortality rates in Europe. The main problems of the rural economy were:
1. Agricultural production was unable to keep up with growing Russian population.
2. The Land Banks, that had been introduced to allow peasants to buy land, had often served to increase peasant’s debts
3. The inherent conservatism of Mirs continued to hold back innovation and new farming techniques
4. The status of the nobility and landowners also declined as they struggled with debts, and tried to manage farms as businesses.
The Growth of Opposition
Opposition to the Tsar continued to grow in this period, although, as in the previous decades, no one group had fully achieved its aims by 1904. At the most, they can be seen to have contributed to the momentum of later change. The main opponents to the Tsar were:
1. Socialist Revolutionary Party (1891) that was created by former populists. Its principal aim was for the labouring poor (peasants and workers) to work together in order to get rid of autocracy and redistribute land. It adopted the former populist tactics of trying to stir up peasants and engaging in political assassinations (between 1901-05, it had committed 2000 assassinations)
2. Social Democratic Movement adopted a Marxist position, focusing their attention on the urban workers and believing that Marx's Stages of Development would drive the motor of Russian history towards the Revolution. It coalesced as the Marxist Social Democratic Party in 1898 and subsequently split (1903-06) into
a. Mensheviks, who believed in evolutionary struggle and that it was acceptable to work with other liberal groups to bring about gradual social change, and
b. Bolsheviks, who rejected ‘bourgeoisie politics’ and believed in Revolution at all costs, seeing themselves as the Revolutionary Vanguard leading workers to Revolution.
3. Intelligentsia/Liberals who sought to reform autocracy, ideally through the implementation of a parliamentary system, a reduction in censorship etc. As during the 1850s, these were divided between Slavophiles, who looked for a Russian solution, and Westerners, who looked to western/Enlightenment Values.
This group, became more politicised after the Government's bungling of the Great Famine (1891-2). The Zemstavas had to provide relief work, which added strength to their belief that they should have a say in nation’s governance. Liberals also reacted strongly to Alexander IIIs reduction of Zemstva powers and his dismissal of their request that they could operate as an advisory board as ‘senseless dreams’.
Nicholas II: 'Autocracy without the Autocrat'
When Alexander IIIs son, Nicholas II, came to power in 1894, he promised to 'Reassert the principles of autocracy’, believing that his power was being undermined by western ideas and urban rest. Although, the blame for the situation of Russia at this time cannot be laid solely at his feet, he did exacerbate existing problems in several ways:
1. He was not suited to autocracy: he tried to continue Alexander III repressive policies but was unable to make decisions and constantly replaced ministers. This led to a power vacuum, with the Tsar unable to either formulate policies or respond to growing rural and urban unrest.
2. His response to existing problems was to resort to increasing brutality, sending in the army and police to break up demonstrations. This, again, served to heighten unrest.
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